A Brief History of English Translations of Traditional Chinese Drama (1736–1949)[1]
YUAN Fang
Abstract
The translation of traditional Chinese drama into the English-speaking world spans nearly three centuries. During this period, numerous British and American scholars devoted themselves to translating and studying Chinese drama, making significant contributions to the field. This paper responds to the call for “rewriting” translation history by introducing the theoretical lens of social trends—a framework with both practical and academic value—to systematically analyze the distinctive characteristics of each stage in the outward expansion of Chinese opera through English translation. Through this perspective, the history of English translations of Chinese drama before 1949 can be divided into three phases, each profoundly influenced by different intellectual movements: Classicism, Romanticism, and Realism. The research reveals that during these different periods, translators exhibited significant variations in text selection, translation strategies, and cultural positioning: the Classical period emphasized royal authority and rationality; the Romantic period focused on emotion and imagination; while the Realistic period pursued authenticity and typicality. The social trends approach enriches the methodology of translation history research and provides new dimensions for understanding the evolution of translation practices across different historical periods.
Keywords: traditional drama; translation history; social trends
1. Introduction
The translation and introduction of xiqu (traditional Chinese drama) into the English-speaking world began in the 18th century. In 1736, Zhaoshi gu'er (The Orphan of Zhao)—the first Chinese play rendered into English—was published in Europe as a relay translation by John Watts, based on a French version by Joseph-Marie de Prémare. Over the next three centuries, British and American scholars dedicated themselves to translating and studying xiqu, making significant contributions to this field. Complementing their effort, several Chinese scholars (e.g. Cao Guangtao, 2011) have focused their research on systematically tracing and studying the history of drama translation. Their research has turned into multiple monographs that thoroughly examine and evaluate the achievements of English scholars in translating and introducing xiqu. These manifestations show that the contemporary historiography of xiqu translation has progressed beyond fragmented data collection to systematic interpretation, resulting in a coherent knowledge map and developmental trajectory, with distinct features now identified across various historical phases, including its origins, early development, flourishing period, and later maturation (Meng Weigen, 2017).
However, the existing methods to periodize the history of xiqu translation suffer from the drawbacks of overgeneralization, failing to respond to the shifting historical contexts and evolving research paradigms, and the contemporary calls to "rewrite" translation history (e.g., Zhao Xifang, 2021). It falls short of capturing the distinctive features of xiqu and its rewriting through which this unique literary form expanded its cultural influence via translations by British and American scholars. Consequently, the current framework “lacks a sufficiently nuanced cultural perspective and fails to reflect the complex cultural texture embedded in the translation process” (Li Jinshu, 2024: 8). As Ann-Marie Hsiung (2023) observed in a comparative study of three retranslations of Xixiang ji (The West Chamber), translators adapted the previous translations and promoted the particular values of the drama they cherish, as evident in their texts, paratexts, and selection of source texts. Their different translation strategies and purposes contribute to diverse representations of the richness and subtlety of the original drama. Researchers wonder how to “conduct meticulous investigations into translation issues throughout historical processes and integrate translation history research with studies of cultural and intellectual history?” (Li Jinshu, 2024: 12). The lens of social trends may provide a reliable and systematic analytical framework.
Social trends are comprehensive manifestations of social reality, representing influential intellectual currents and the prevailing social climate in a society. They not only mirror the political, economic, and cultural conditions of distinct historical periods but also illuminate the underlying logic and foundational dynamics of social development. Accordingly, social trends represent a theoretical framework with practical and academic values.
Re-examining the history of xiqu translation through the lens of social trends enables a methodological shift from a synchronic description of source materials to incorporating more diachronic analyses that engage with the historical and social dimensions of translation. This approach fosters a productive balance between historical documentation and theoretical reflection. From this perspective, the history of English translations of xiqu prior to the founding of the People’s Republic of China can be divided into three major stages, each shaped by the dominant thought of their time, from Classicism, Romanticism, to Realism, respectively. The following sections will explore the historical context, translated works, and translation strategies characteristic of each period.
2. Xiqu Translation under the Influence of Classicism (1736–1840)
Classicism emerged as a dominant intellectual current in the 17th-century Europe. As Western societies transitioned from feudalism to capitalism, this bourgeois literary and artistic movement retained some strong feudal traits. With the decline of scholasticism and the diminishing authority of religious institutions across major European nations, secular ideologies began to take shape. In their search for models of societal advancement, Enlightenment thinkers began to direct greater attention toward the East. They consequentially promoted Chinoiserie and Chinese ideas, evolving from an initial admiration for the material culture embodied in Chinese artifacts to a more profound appreciation of China’s ethical, moral, and spiritual dimensions. This development provided a valuable opportunity for xiqu to circulate in Europe, serving as a significant conduit through which Enlightenment intellectuals drew on external cultural resources to articulate and promote their own philosophical ideals.
2.1 Early English Translations of Zhaoshi gu'er
During this period, five English translations of Zhaoshi gu’er (The Orphan of Zhao) were produced. Between 1736 and 1741, John Watts and Edward Cave each published an English version of the play. Although neither translation was staged, both acted as a prelude to the dissemination of xiqu in Britain. At that time, Joseph-Marie de Prémare’s French translation was accessible to many members of the British elite, whereas the general public remained largely excluded from its readership due to language barrier. Watts’s and Cave’s translations helped bridge this linguistic gap, significantly enhancing public access to, and awareness of, Chinese xiqu. They were followed by three more translations by William Hatchett (1741), Arthur Murphy (1759), and Thomas Percy (1762).1
2.2 Sir John Francis Davis’s Contribution to the Translation of Xiqu
Over the subsequent five decades, xiqu attracted limited scholarly and public attention. It was not until 1817 when Sir
John Francis translated 尝补辞蝉丑别苍驳’别谤 (An Heir in His Old Age) into English that the situation changed. David was once employed by the East India
Company as one of its earliest representatives in China, and later became the second
Governor of Hong Kong. Unlike The Orphan of Zhao, whose translations were derived from French translations, Laou-Seng-Urh was the first xiqu translated directly from Chinese into English. Upon its publication,
1 The five English translations are as follows: Tchao Chi Cou Euih: Or the Little Orphan of the Family of Tchao, A Chinese Tragedy (John Watts), Chauski Kueul: Or the Little Orphan of the Family of Chau, A Chinese Tragedy (Edward Cave), The Chinese Orphan: A Historical Tragedy (William Hatchett), The Orphan of China: A Tragedy ( Arthur Murphy), The Orphan of China: A Tragedy (Thomas Percy).
Davis’s translation was met with considerable acclaim in prominent British periodicals. The Quarterly Review (Vol. 14, January 1817) and The Asiatic Journal (Vol. 5, January–June 1818) both featured positive reviews, acknowledging the cultural and literary significance of the work (Meng Weigen, 2017: 32).
Twelve years later, Sir John Francis Davis resumed his engagement with xiqu and undertook the translation of Hangongqiu (Autumn in the Han Palace) by Ma Zhiyuan, a classic Yuan zaju drama. He titled the English version Han Koong Tsew, or The Sorrows of Han: A Chinese Tragedy, which was published in 1829 as part of The Fortunate Union by the Oriental Translation Fund.
2.3 Translation Strategies under the Influence of Classicism
In terms of translation strategies, the aforementioned English translations of xiqu were heavily influenced by Classicism, reflecting the distinct artistic style and humanistic ethos of the time. These can be broadly summarized into three key aspects:
2.3.1 Praise for Monarchical Authority and National Unity
The thematic substance of the translated plays reveals the translators’ admiration for autocratic monarchy and their endorsement of national unity. This ideological alignment helps explain the broad acceptance of The Orphan of Zhao within European society. In the late seventeenth century, the emerging bourgeoisies remained politically fragile and often sought to consolidate their position by aligning themselves with monarchical power. This political compromise is vividly reflected in many Western adaptations of The Orphan of Zhao, where translators modified plotlines and characterizations to emphasize loyalty to sovereign authority. Murphy, for instance, changes the identity of the orphan of Minister Zhao into a royal orphan and the crown prince of the previous dynasty. The loyal official Sheng Di sacrifices his own son to save the prince, reflecting steadfast support for monarchical authority and national unity amidst the conflict between familial bond and state allegiance.
William Hatchett, in his adaptation titled The Chinese Orphan, used the play as a vehicle to express political allegiance—specifically, his loyalty to the Duke of Argyle and his admiration for the duke’s virtuous ruling. In the dedication that precedes the play, he openly declared: “it is not to be wonder'd at, that the Fable is political: Indeed it exhibits an amazing Series of Male-administration, which the Chinese Author has wrought up to the highest Pitch of Abhorrence, as if he had been acquainted with the Inflexibility of your Grace's Character in that respect” (Hatchett, 1741: vi–vii). 3 He expressed his dedication in the complimentary close, “Your Grace’s most obedient, most humble, and most devoted servant”, imitating the formal rhetoric commonly found in dedications within Zhonghua diguo quanzhi (The General History of the Chinese Empire). This stylistic choice served to convey his unwavering loyalty and deference to the duke.
Moreover, Hatchett reconfigured character portrayals—most notably through the figure of “Laotse” to emphasize patriotic devotion and moral resolve. In a conversation with a physician on how to save the orphan, Laotse declares: “Who loves his country does not fear to die; Who fears to die, he cannot love his country” (Hatchett, 1741: 26). Later, as he prepares to risk his life for the orphan, he continues: “A man of seventy regret to die! I’ th’ course of nature I’ve not long to stay; And shall I scruple going somewhat sooner, To serve my friend, and what is more—my country, For th’ sake of dragging some few moments longer!” (Hatchett, 1741: 27). The translation of The Orphan of Zhao can be seen as fulfilling the imperative of the Classical ideology to extol national unity during a period when literature was expected to serve the interests of monarchical governance.
3. This same quotation, cited by the author, appears in its Chinese translation in
Chinese Culture in Enlightenment Britain by Fan Cunzong (Nanjing: Yilin Press, 2010).
[Tr.]
2.3.2 Promotion of Rational Principles and Civic Duty
From an ideological standpoint, the translated versions of The Orphan of Zhao embody the Classical values of rationality and self-restraint. Rooted in Descartes’ conception of reasoning as a foundational method of scientific inquiry, rationality became a central pillar of classical thought in European intellectual tradition. The various translations of The Orphan of Zhao offer an alternative interpretation of the Classical rationalist ideal: fulfilling civic duty. When confronted with the irreconcilable tension between “sacrificing one’s own child” and “saving others”, the translators generally prioritize the rational imperative of “saving others” for the greater good over personal grief of “sacrificing one’s own child,” thereby reflecting a consistent interpretive tendency.
For example, in Arthur Murphy’s adaptation of the play, when Mandane—the wife of the loyal minister Sheng Di—witnesses her child being taken away, his rendition goes: “She still might, save her boy... Enlarging with th’ emotions of her soul, grew vaster to the sight” (Murphy, 1759: 63). Mandane ultimately relinquishes her child. In reframing this moment, Murphy juxtaposes the most fundamental human emotions, romantic love and parental affection and rational justice. “Almighty justice never bares its arm ‘Gainst innocence and truth” (Murphy, 1759: 2). By invoking the authority of “Almighty justice,” Murphy guides the audience toward making principled moral judgments and rational decisions, particularly when national duty conflicts with personal loyalty. This emphasis on reason over emotion reflects a core tenet of Classicist ideology.
2.3.3 Rigid Genre Distinctions: The Dichotomy of Tragedy and Comedy
In terms of the form, Classical literary theory upheld rigid genre distinctions and prescribed artistic conventions, insisting that “tragedy and comedy must never be mixed” (Fan Jiusheng, 1993: 2). Sir John Francis Davis’s translations of 尝补辞蝉丑别苍驳’别谤 (An Heir in His Old Age) and Hangongqiu (The Sorrows of Han) reflect his adherence to the Classical model by subscribing to that principle. Xiqu composition is grounded in the aesthetic ideal of “harmonious balance,” marked by the “interplay of tragic and comic elements and the recurring motifs of separation and reunion” (Zheng Chuanyin et al., 2002: 8). However, Davis departed from this perspective, introducing a more rigid distinction between the tragedy and the comedy.
In the preface to his translation of 尝补辞蝉丑别苍驳’别谤, Davis cited the observations of Lord Macartney—the first British ambassador to China—to frame and substantiate his own view on xiqu: “The theatrical entertainments consisted of great variety, both the tragical and the comical” (Davis, 1817: 22). Drawing on this perspective, Davis selected 尝补辞蝉丑别苍驳’别谤 from Selections of Yuan Plays in accordance with the classical unities of time, place, and action, and molded it as a comedy. He regarded the play as a work in which “the unity and integrity of action and design are strictly adhered to, and all the incidents are closely connected with the story” (Davis, 1817: 41).
By contrast, Davis’ selection of Hangongqiu to translate underscores his steadfast commitment to the conventions of serious tragic drama. His decision to add “A Chinese Tragedy” to the title clearly indicates his intention to frame the work within the Western Classical tradition of tragedy. In the preface, he underscores that the drama possesses “the grandeur and gravity of the subject, the rank and dignity of the personages, the tragical catastrophe, and the strict award of poetical justice”—qualities that, in his view, “might satisfy the most rigid admirer of Grecian rules” (Davis, 1829: 216).
In terms of the translation strategy, Davis employed a “verse-to-verse” method, rendering the poetic lines in Hangongqiu in iambic meter. This approach reflects his view of tragedy as a genre that demands a lofty and solemn literary form that necessitates particular rhythm and metrical structure. It can be argued that the two works Davis selected for translation reflect his deliberate alignment with, and adherence to, the rigid Classical conventions of tragedy and comedy, as evidenced by the plots and stylistic features found in the two translations.
Whether in Hatchett’s articulation of patriotic loyalty, Murphy’s valorization of reason, or Davis’s strict delineation between tragedy and comedy, each translation—despite its distinct orientation—ultimately converges in their adherence to the core tenets of Classicism. Classicism, as an abstract form of social existence, is said to “permeate individuals in societies through the workings of a collective unconscious” (Jiang Qiuxia, 2009: 50). The translators preserved Classical social and poetic norms through selecting the source texts and their creative reinterpretations of the language and style of xiqu. This adherence was transformed into a deliberate and ideologically informed act of translation, thereby shaping the understanding of xiqu in the target-language sphere.
3. Romanticist Currents in Xiqu Translation (1840–1914)
After the 18th century, the continuous rise of the bourgeoisie gave impetus to a wave of revolutions across Europe aimed at dismantling feudal structures. These bourgeois revolutions laid the groundwork for the initial establishment of capitalist systems in various nations. However, the Enlightenment ideal of “liberty, equality, and fraternity” gradually transformed into a utopian vision. The growing tension between ideal and reality fostered widespread dissatisfactions, which evolved from skepticism toward the existing social order into a broader rejection of the rigid rules and structural norms associated with Neoclassicism. It was within this shifting ideological landscape that Romanticism emerged, bringing with it a new sensibility that profoundly reshaped the translation of xiqu.
3.1 An Overview of Xiqu Translation in the Romantic Era
The xiqu translations published and distributed during this period are shown in Table 1.
Table 1 Important English translations of xiqu published between 1840 and 1914
| Time (Year) | Translator/Trans-editor | Translated and Introduced Content | English Title | Publisher/Publication/Place | |
| 1 | 1849 | S.W. Williams |
He hanshan | Compared Tunic | Chinese Repository |
| 2 | 1852 | Joseph Edkins |
Jie xue | Borrowed Boots in Chinese Conversations: Translated from Native Authors |
The Mission Press, Shanghai |
| 3 | 1872 | Alfred Lister |
A Lan de zhu | Chinese Farce (A-lan’ s Pig) | China Review |
| 4 | 1873 | Lydia Mary Fay |
Jie xue | Borrowed Boots | China Review |
| 5 | 1876 | George Carter Stent |
Huanghe lou | The Yellow Stork Tower | The Far East Monthly |
| Time (Year) | Translator/Trans-editor | Translated and Introduced Content | English Title | Publisher/Publication/Place | |
| 6 | 1882 | George Carter Stent |
Silang tanmu | Ssu-lang’ s Visit to His Mother | China Review |
| 7 | 1883 | George Carter Stent |
Fenhe wan | Jen Kuei’ s Return in The Jade Chaplet in Twenty-four Beads |
W. H. Allen & Co. London |
| 8 | 1889 | William Stanton |
Fujian he wenxiu, Liusi qin, Jinye ju | The Chinese Drama | Kelly & Walsh, Ltd., Hong Kong |
| 9 | 1901 | Herbert Giles |
Caipei lou | Flowery Ball in A History of Chinese Literature |
Frederick Ungar, New York |
| 10 | 1906 | F. P. Laurence |
Zhaoshi gu'er | Dragon and Coronet | Kelly & Walsh, Ltd., Singapore |
| 11 | 1910 | Archibald John Little |
Jie xue | Borrowed Boots in Gleaning from Fifty Years in China |
Sampson Low, Marston & Co., Ltd., London |
| 12 | 1913 | Charles Budd |
Da jinzhi | Beating the Gold Bough | Tung Wen Kuan Translation Office, Shanghai |
A notable feature of xiqu translations during this period is the emergence of regional influences in the selection of source texts. The opening of Guangzhou as a treaty port ushered in a golden age for the translation of Cantonese drama. Key excerpts such as Fujian he wenxiu (The Sacrifice for the Soul of Ho Man-Sau), Liuye di (Willow Lute), and Jinye jv (Golden Leaf Chrysanthemum) were translated into English by William Stanton and published in The China Review in 1899, later compiled in his edited book Chinese Dramas. Meanwhile, the performance of comic operas in Hong Kong contributed to a surge in farce translations. Joseph Edkins in 1852, Lydia Mary Fay in 1873, and Archibald John Little in 1910 each produced distinct English versions of Jie xue (Borrowing the Boots). Additionally, Liszt translated A Lan de zhu (Chinese Farce: A-lan’s Pig) in 1872, and Hunter’s translation of Bu gang (The Mender of Cracked China-ware) was reprinted in 1848. During this period, sinologists emerged as the primary agents in the translation of xiqu. George Carter Stent translated the jingju (Peking opera) Huanghe lou (The Yellow Stork Tower) in 1876, which was published in The Far East Monthly. He continued with Silang tan mu (Ssu-lang’s Visit to His Mother), published in The China Review in 1882, and Fenhe wan (Jen Kuei’s Return), which appeared in Ershisi zhu yulian (The Jade Chaplet in Twenty-four Beads, 1883). In 1913, Charles Budd translated Da jinzhi (Beating the Gold Bough) and Diao jingui (Catching a Golden Tortoise). H. A. Giles included the translation of the jingju Caipei lou (Flowery Ball) in his Zhongguo wenxue shi (A History of Chinese Literature, 1901). Of particular significance is American sinologist Samuel Wells Williams’s translation of Hehanshan (Compared Tunic), which marked the introduction of xiqu into American sinological scholarship. Another American translator, Faith Philpot Laurence, produced a retranslation of Zhaoshi gu’er (The Orphan of Zhao) under the title Dragon and Coronet. These developments
marked the end of the long-standing British-French dominance in the translation of xiqu, ushering in a new phase characterized by the emergence of American sinologists as a significant force in both the translation and scholarly study of traditional Chinese theatre.
3.2 The Influence of Romanticism on Xiqu Translation
The Romantic movement, as a subversive response to Classicism both in form and content, confronted translators with a radically altered socio-historical context. This literary paradigm shift prompted a reevaluation of aesthetic standards and value systems in dramatic literature, leading to a fundamental transformation in the nature and orientation of English translations of xiqu.
3.2.1 Undermining the “Rigid Genre Conformity”
As one of the first changes of the Romanticism, its challenge to the Classical doctrine of “rigid genre conformity” broadened the spectrum of xiqu deemed suitable for translation. “Rigid genre conformity” in Classicism demanded a rigid separation between tragedy and comedy. Tragic protagonists were typically drawn from the ranks of rulers or nobility, with plots centered on issues of national survival and language expressed in elevated, dignified style. In contrast, comedy typically portrays joys and sorrows, partings and reunions of ordinary individuals, often conveyed through colloquial language (Zhou Ning, 2008).
Romanticism thoroughly rejected and criticized the notion of “rigid genre conformity,” asserting that “Such classifications are ambiguous and unhelpful,” and “the right method is the ‘natural method’” (Hegel, 1918: 215). The boundaries between tragedy and comedy are inherently fluid; thus, any rigid or artificial classification is likely to lead to conceptual confusion and interpretive misjudgment. This theoretical shift created unprecedented opportunities for translating xiqu into English by dismantling the rigid Western genre conventions that were fundamentally at odds with those of Chinese dramatic traditions. As the distinctions between tragedy and comedy grew increasingly blurred, the Chinese aesthetic ideal of blending joy and sorrow found new resonance with evolving Western sensibilities. This transformation directly enabled a more diverse and flexible selection of source texts and dramatic forms, marking a defining feature of xiqu translation during the Romantic period.
3.2.2 Emotion and Imagination as Central Aesthetic Values
Romanticism is defined as “an accentuated predominance of emotional life,
provoked or directed by the exercise of imaginative vision, and in its turn stimulating
or directing such exercise” (Furst, 1969: 4).4 Within this framework, “emotion” and “imagination” emerge as the central concepts
that, to a significant extent, encapsulate the defining features of most translated
works produced between 1840 and 1914. William Stanton’s translations of the Cantonese
operas Liusiqin, Jinye jv, and Fujian he wenxiu, exemplify these core Romantic values. Unlike Classical works such as Zhaoshi gu’er or Hangongqiu, which center on grand historical or national concerns, these three dramas focus
on the intimate joys and sorrows of ordinary urban families. Similarly, Fenhewan translated by George Carter Stent, and Hehanshan, translated by S. W. Williams, both explore themes of fidelity and unforeseen events
within marital relationships. In terms of translation strategy, both translators largely
adhered to the original texts, maintaining fidelity to the plot and the character
settings while incorporating moderate cultural adaptations to facilitate comprehension.
For example, in the English version of Jinye jv, Stanton adjusted the sequence of the several scenes to lessen English readers’ confusion
of time (Stanton, 1899: 55). Overall, these translations emphasize emotional conflict
and reflect the Romantic belief that “the source of sublime lies in the strongest
emotions the mind is capable of feeling” (Edmund Burke, 1844, 51).5
4. Lilian R. Furst, 1969, Methuen & Co Ltd, 4. The quotation, cited by the author,
is drawn from the Chinese translation of this book: Langman zhuyi translated by Lijin, (Beijing Kunlun Press,1989), 6. [Tr.]
5. Edmund Burke. 1844. A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful. New York: Harper & Brothers. 51. The quotation, cited by the author, is drawn from the Chinese translation of this book: Guanyu women chonggao yu mei guannian zhi genyuan de zhexue tantao, translated by Guo Fei (Zhengzhou: Elephant Press, 2010), 36. [Tr.]
3.2.3 Translation of Farces and the Liberation of Individuality
The Western translators’ emphasis on farce during this period reflects the Romantic ideal of individual freedom and a conscious break from Classical constraints. Translators made conscious decisions to amplify archetypal figures drawn from everyday life. Such figures include the cowardly husband in A-lan de zhu, the rogue Zhang San and the miser Liu Er in Jie xue, and Niu Zhou who reinvents himself as a pot-mending artisan in Bugang. The adoption of domestication techniques highlights the translators’ target-oriented preferences. For example, in A-lan’s Pig, Lister rendered the phrase “my wife” as “my dear,” and translated the martial arts idiom “Kwan Ping presenting the seal (关平献印)” into the more familiar Western term “boxing.” Similarly, the climactic Chinese vocalization “Ah-Ah-Ah-Ah(啊啊啊啊)” was translated as “fol-lol”, “as ‘Ah’ or ‘Oh’ is not a common termination to English melodies of the less instructed classes,” and “as those classes certainly do incline to fol-lol (or words to that effect) as a refrain” (Lister, 1872–1873: 27). In essence, translators such as Lister adapted xiqu to align with the aesthetic expectations of Western audiences. The diverse forms of farce translations from this period embody the Romantic dialectical unity of subjectivity and objectivity. This perspective can be glimpsed, to some degree, in Little’s enthusiastic appraisal of farce in his translation of Jie xue. He contended that the Chinese playwrights closely observed human nature and satirized the foibles. As with Shakespeare, their best plays are not of an age but for all time (Little, 1910: 224). Farce effectively satisfied the objective and enduring aesthetic preferences of the Romantic era, with its use of exaggeration, imaginative scenarios, and heightened emotional expressions aligned with Romanticism’s emphasis on subjective experience. Embedded in realistic everyday contexts, farce transcended the rigid binary between tragedy and comedy and fused the grotesque with the beautiful, answering the call of Romanticism’s deeper imperative to transcend established paradigms and to excavate the authentic dimensions of human nature.
Under the profound influence of Romanticism, the thematic focus of English translations of xiqu moved away from the Classical preoccupation with patriotic duty and national concerns toward domestic life and the intimate emotional dynamics of marital relationships. The choice of farcical texts not only signified a shift in aesthetic sensibilities but also captured the Romantic ideals of truth and beauty grounded in freedom and individuality. Whether through the pursuit of emotion and imagination or the dissolution of boundaries between beauty and ugliness, these translations collectively contributed to constructing a “romanticized” perception of xiqu within the target culture.
4.The Realist Turn in Chinese Drama Translation (1914–1949)
The outbreaks of the First and Second World Wars in 1914 and 1939, respectively, plunged Western societies into profound instability. The core values of capitalism came under growing public scrutiny, while both the rationalism of the Enlightenment and the passion and imagination of Romanticism increasingly appeared illusory. Amid this crisis of confidence, the Realist movement gained traction, as intellectuals and the broader public sought a more accurate and unvarnished understanding of social realities. This cultural shift was evident in translators’ selections of dramatic source texts. Works that carry realistic themes and have critical engagement with contemporary social issues, rose to prominence in xiqu translation.
4.1 Overview of Drama Translation During the Realist Period
The key translated works from this period are shown in Table 2 below.
Table 2 Important English Translations of Xiqu Published between 1914 and 1949
| Time (Year) | Translator/Trans-editor | Translated and Introduced Content | English Title | Publisher/Publication/Place | |
| 1 | 1923 | Pax Robertson | Liu yunwai | Lew Yuen Wai | Chelsea Publishing Co., London. |
| 2 | 1925 | A. E. Zucker | Dou'e yuan, Chang'e benyue | The Chinese Theatre | Little, Brown, and Company, Boston. |
| 3 | 1929 | James Laver | Huilan ji | The Circle of Chalk | W. Heinemann, London. |
| 4 | 1930 | L.C. Arlington | Huanghe lou | Huang Ho Lou, The Yellow Crane Tower |
China Journal of Science and Art |
| 5 | 1930 | L.C. Arlington | Anthology of English translations and synopses of 30 xiqu texts such as Liling bei, Sangyuan jizi, Sanniang jiaozi, Shuangguan gao | The Chinese Drama: From the Earliest Times until Today |
Kelly and Walsh, Ltd., Shanghai |
| 6 | 1933 | Ethel Van der Veer |
Huilan ji | The Chalk Circle in World Dramas |
D. Appleton & Company, New York |
| 7 | 1936 | Genevieve Wimsatt |
Lianhua si | Lotus Temple in The Shadow Shows |
Harvard University Press |
| 8 | 1936 | Henry H. Hart | Xixiang ji | The West Chamber: A Medieval Drama |
Stanford University Press, California |
| 9 | 1937 | L. C. Arlington, Harold Acton |
Anthology of English translations and synopses of 30 xiqu texts such as Zhan wancheng, Changbanpo, Jigumacao, Qishuanghui, Qidang tong'e bao | Famous Chinese Plays | H. Vetch, Peking |
| 10 | 1938 | Benjamin March |
Humei, Qu mo, Baifang Li ersi | Chinese Shadow- Figure Plays and Their Making |
Institute of Arts, Detroit |
| 11 | 1939 | Harold Acton | Abridged Translations of Chunxiang naoxue, Shi hou ji, Linchong yeben | Ch’ un-hsiang Nao Hshueh, Scenes from Shih Hou Chi, Lin Ch’ ung Yeh Pen |
T’ ien Hsia Monthly |
During this period, the landscape of xiqu translation underwent a notable shift in translator demographics. American translators outnumbered their British counterparts, reflecting the increasingly prominent role of American sinologists in the translation and study of xiqu. Among the most representative figures of this era were L. C. Arlington and Harold Acton. In 1930, Arlington translated the jingju Huanghe lou (The Yellow Crane Tower) and included summaries of 30 Chinese dramas in his book The Chinese Drama from the Earliest Times until Today. Acton contributed abridged translations of Mudan ting (The Peony Pavilion, 1939), Shi hou ji (The Roaring Lioness), and Linchong ye ben (Lin Ch’ ung Yeh Pen, or Lin Chong Flees by Night, 1939). The two also collaborated on the translation of 33 frequently performed dramas, which were compiled in the anthology Famous Chinese Plays (1937). This volume occupies an unshakable place in the early history of xiqu study in the United States. The translators’ decision to include musical scores played a crucial role in conveying the aesthetic principles of xiqu to Western audiences.
The Chinese Theater (1925) edited by A.E. Zucker includes abridged translations of plays such as Dou’e yuan (The Sufferings of Tou E) and Chang’e ben yue (Ch’ang-O Pin Yueh, or Chang’E Flying to the Moon). James Laver translated Huilan ji (The Circle of Chalk, 1929), which was later retranslated in 1933 by Ethel Van der Veer. Henry H. Hart, a sinologist at the University of California, became the second translator—after Shih-I Hsiung—to publish a complete English translation of Xixiang ji (The West Chamber, 1936), and the first American sinologist to do so. This period also saw the publication of other works, such as Liu yuanwai (Lew Yuen Wai, 1923), translated and compiled by Pax Robertson.
4.2 The Influence of Realism on Xiqu Translation
Realism, on the one hand, seeks the faithful depiction of typical characters; on the other hand, it upholds the dialectical unity between the objective world and the subjective mind. Both characteristics are evident in the Chinese xiqu translations produced during this period.
4.2.1 The Pursuit of Authenticity and the Portrayal of Typical Characters
From the perspective of ideological considerations in translation, the authentic mode of expression, a defining feature of realist drama grounded in an in-depth depiction of life, has become a consistent pursuit for translators. In his description of the truthfulness of realism, Friedrich Engels emphasized that besides the truth of detail, realism implies the truthful reproduction of typical characters under typical circumstances (Engels, 1888).6
Translations from this period offer numerous portrayals of “typical characters” in the realist sense. In Huilan ji, Haitang embodies maternal devotion; in Xi xiang ji (The West Chamber), Cui Yingying appears as independent and assertive; Chunxiang nao xue (Ch’ un-hsiang Nao Hshueh, or Chun Xiang Turns the Schoolroom Topsy-turvy) presents Chunxiang as witty and eloquent; and in Shi hou ji (Shih Hou Chi, or The Roaring Lioness) , Lady Liu is defined by her intense jealousy. Together, these typical characters reflect diverse facets of female awakening. Take Huilan ji as a case in point. Both Laver and Van der Veer employed a faithful translation strategy to convey Haitang’s role as a typical maternal figure. In the climactic scene set in the courtroom, when Bao Gong determines the child’s biological mother using the “chalk circle” test, Haitang expresses her willingness to sacrifice herself to protect the child:
“咽苦吐甜，煨干避湿，……不争为这孩儿，两家硬夺，中间必有损伤。” (I endured bitterness and gave him sweetness, warmed him when cold, shielded him from dampness... if we fought over the child, he would be hurt in the struggle.) (Zang Jinshu, 1912: 562)
Laver’s translation: I have known all sweetness with him, and all bitterness without him. When it was cold I warmed his tiny limbs. (Laver, 1929: 100)
Van der Veer’s translation: When he was cold I would gently chafe his jade-like limbs. (Clark, 1933: 255).
This passage offers a poignant expression of maternal love, capturing Haitang’s
care and her reluctance to see her child in a tug of war. Laver’s translation is notably
simpler and more emotionally direct, portraying a mother who recounts her bittersweet
experience in a gentle and sincere manner. In contrast, Van der Veer adopts a more
literary style; her use of “jade-like limbs” lacks the explicitness of Laver’s “tiny
limbs,” which more vividly evokes the image of a fragile infant and the depth of the
mother’s affection. Laver’s version more effectively conveys the authenticity of Haitang’s
maternal devotion. The real emotions rooted in lived experience contribute significantly
to the enduring appeal of his translation.
6. . This same quotation, cited by the author, appears in its Chinese translation in
is its Chinese translation in Realism as a Spiritual Character by Lai Daren, 2017, . [Tr.]
4.2.2 The Unity of the Objective World and the Subjective Mind
Several translators, including Henry H. Hart who translated Xixiang ji and Harold Acton who translated Chunxiang nao xue, emphasized authenticity as a central principle in their translation work. Hart pointed out that the greatness of Xixiang ji lay in the way its lines capture the essence of Chinese life (Hart, 1936: x). Similarly, Acton selected Chunxiang nao xue—one of the 55 scenes from Mudanting—precisely because of its realistic representations of life. He explained: “Chun-hsiang's antics are those of any lively girl or boy confined in a schoolroom on a bright spring morning” (Acton, 1939: 357). He further asked, “Which of us has not asked to ‘leave the room’ with the same purpose and under similar circumstances?” (Acton, 1939: 357).
Under the influence of the Realist principle that “truth is the unity of the objective and the subjective,” translators of this period sought to integrate depictions of the external world with authentic inner emotions in their translation practices. Characters such as Cui Yingying in Xixiang ji, Chun Xiang in Chunxiang nao xue,Lady Liu in Shi hou ji, and Lin Chong in Lin Chong ye ben exemplify this fusion. Behind these vivid characters stand a new generation of sinologists—exemplified by figures such as Acton and Hart—who immersed themselves deeply in Chinese life. After gaining an authentic understanding of local customs and value systems, they faithfully reproduced these objective observations in their translations of xiqu, introducing a wide array of typical figures to Western audiences: Cui Yingying, who resists an arranged marriage; Chuxiang, who rebels against rigid academic discipline; Lady Liu, who challenges traditional gender norms that subordinate women; and Lin Chong, who confronts social injustice. These characters are all authentic and rooted in real life, not at all grandly heroic or idealistically romantic.
Overall, xiqu translation during the Realist period built upon the accomplishments of the preceding Romantic and Classical stages, while advancing in areas such as selection of source texts, translation strategy, and ideological expression. The rise of American sinologists during this period not only expanded the channels through which xiqu was introduced to the West, but also laid a foundation for the development of subsequent scholarly research on xiqu translation.
5. Conclusion
From the perspective of social trends, the history of xiqu translation prior to the founding of the People’s Republic reveals a rich tapestry of social and historical developments. Beginning with the grand narratives and distinct tragicomic structures shaped by Classical thought, moving through the Romanticist emphasis on emotion and imagination, and culminating in the Realist focus on the unity of the subjective and the objective in the pursuit of truth, these intellectual movements reflect the aesthetic sensibilities of their respective era. These evolving social trends profoundly influenced translators’ motivations, the selection of source texts, and their translation strategies, gradually sketching the knowledge map of xiqu translation.
Incorporating the perspective of social trends into translation studies not only broadens the territory of translation history but also deepens our understanding of the complex motivations driving translation practices. This approach provides crucial theoretical grounding for the in-depth analysis of translation practices. It enables a macro-level analysis of the relationship between translation and its historical context, opening new pathways for exploring the logic behind translators’ identities, motivations, text selection, and the evolution of translation strategies across different eras.
By examining the interplay between social trends and xiqu translation, this study demonstrates how translators in three distinct historical periods reinterpreted and represented xiqu within their respective cultural contexts.
This periodization approach departs from the traditional linear model of history by highlighting the socio-historical nature of translation activities. It offers an integrated framework that connects translation history with broader currents in cultural and intellectual history. Future research may extend this approach by examining how translations of other literary forms intersect with prevailing social trends, thereby expanding both the scope and depth of the study of translation history.
Furthermore, this study serves as a valuable historical reference for the today’s “Going Abroad”, or global outreach of xiqu. By examining the characteristics and patterns of xiqu translation shaped by various social trends, it offers insights into how traditional Chinese culture can be more effectively communicated within today’s global context to facilitate cross-cultural exchange and mutual appreciation. Reassessing the relationship between xiqu translation and social trends in globalization provides new ideas for constructing a more inclusive and innovative framework for translation theory.
Chinese References
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English References
Acton H. 1939. “Ch’un-Hsiang Nao Hsueh”, T’ien Hsia Monthly, 8(1): 357–372.
Clark B. 1933. World drama, New York: D. Appleton & Company.
Davis J F. 1817. Laou-Seng-Urh, or, An Heir in His Old Age. London: John Murray.
Davis J F. 1829. Han koong tsew, or The sorrows of Han: a Chinese tragedy in the fortunate union. London: printed for the Oriental Translation Fund.
Hart H. 1936. The West Chamber. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Hatchet W. 1741. The Chinese orphan: a historical tragedy. Alter’d from a specimen of the Chinese tragedy in Du Halde’s History of China. Interspers’d with songs, after the Chinese manner. London: printed for Charles Corbett.
Laver J. 1929. The circle of chalk. London: William Heinemann Ltd.
Lister A. 1872–1873. “A Chinese Farce”, China review, 1(1): 26–31
Little A. 1910. Gleanings from fifty years in China. London: Sampson Low, Marston & Co. Ltd.
Murphy A. 1759. The orphan of China. London: P. Vaillant.
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(Editor: Sun Sanjun)
[1] * This article is a phased research outcome of the Tianjin Philosophy and Social Sciences Planning Project “A Study on the Multimodal Translation and Adaptation of Chinese Xiqu Classics in the Context of New Media” (Project No. TJYY21-005).
亚洲情色 the Author
Yuan Fang, Ph.D., is a lecturer at the School of Foreign Languages, Nankai University.
Her primary research areas include intercultural drama translation, as well as translation
theory and practice. Email: nkyuanfang@163.com.
This article was first published in Chinese in 2025.
Yuan, Fang. “A Brief History of English Translations of Traditional Chinese Drama (1736–1949).” Translation Horizons, no. 2, 2025, pp. 43–56.
Translator: Yisha Ma
Proofreaders: Chenqing Song, Xi Wang